"People have come to us to learn some truth"

Hartwig Albiro

Hartwig Albiro was theatre director in Karl-Marx-Stadt and Chemnitz for 26 years. The theatre's big names came from his time: actors such as Ulrich Mühe, Corinna Harfouch and directors such as Frank Castorf and Hasko Weber. On 7 October 1989, his courage made him a figurehead of protest against the conditions in the GDR. The 82-year-old is still involved far beyond "his" theatre and has remained a critical spirit in the city.

Mr Albiro, this is not meant to be an interrogation, but where were you in the evening hours of 7 October 1989?
I was at the theatre. There was a performance on, a guest performance by the Dresden State Theatre. The play was called "Nina, Nina, Tam Kartina" - a dramatisation of a novel by Daniil Granin. An explosive contemporary play that deals with the bureaucracy of Stalinism. After the performance, I presented a resolution at the theatre that we had written a few days beforehand.

Can you briefly explain what prompted the formation of resistance?
Criticism of the state intensified after the elections in May 1989. Groups had formed that wanted to observe the election. This also happened in Karl-Marx-Stadt and here, as in the whole country, inaccuracies were recognised. There were various movements in the city. Of course, I know the theatre best. We always saw our art as a critical contribution to the situation.

The monument to the peaceful revolution, which you helped to create, is also located at the Luxor. Why did people meet there at the time?
7 October was the 40th anniversary of the republic. As a theatre, we were required to hold an open day. That was always a very unpopular event for us. All sections of the theatre were supposed to be there. The Luxor was the music theatre's venue at the time. Preparations had been underway since May. I had asked an actor to write something satirical so that we wouldn't be quite so solemn on the 40th anniversary. But then the border was opened in Hungary in the summer months and the days of September were full of lively events. There was a ferment among the population and the press lied about it. Honecker only commented on the many young people fleeing to the West via Hungary with: "We won't shed a tear for them". That deeply angered and infuriated us.
This jubilee holiday no longer fitted into our programme. We didn't want to celebrate and the critical cabaret wasn't enough for us. A drama student at the time suggested that we could perform critical texts by GDR authors and the New Forum. This student was Hasko Weber, now General Director of the German National Theatre in Weimar. He also announced what we had planned in St John's Church. There were church people and opposition activists there, but word spread like wildfire throughout the city. Of course, it also reached the State Security. Hasko Weber and the director were then summoned and the programme was banned. Officially, this meant: "We strongly recommend that you don't perform this. We will be there."
We then simply met at the Luxor at 9am on 7 October. The theatre was already full. There were hundreds more people outside the door. Combat groups, disguised as construction workers, had cordoned off the area. It was clear that this was a highly volatile situation. Inside, the performance had started at around 10 o'clock with a few operetta melodies. The theatre was overcrowded and the barrier was then stormed. The artistic director then said: "I'm cancelling the event because the auditorium is overcrowded." People didn't agree with this. They were waiting for the play. Hasko Weber went on stage and said: "That's only half the truth. The reading won't take place because we've been banned." The situation was threatening to escalate. I went on stage, asked for calm and said: "Unfortunately, we're not allowed to perform the texts. It's not our decision, you've heard that. But I ask you to remain peaceful and calm. Don't let the morning end in a brawl." I also wanted to prevent state security from intervening. And from this situation, the auditorium slowly emptied and many people were still standing outside the Luxor. Then the actors said: "We could go off. Let's just walk through the city. A silent march developed that went from the Luxor to the central bus stop.

What comes to mind when you think back to that day?
Our peaceful demonstration mobilised the state security forces and we were herded into a kettle. It started normally and became more and more threatening. Water cannons were used at the central station and arrests were made. The peaceful demonstration was broken up by force. I never expected that from the GDR.

As a result, weren't you afraid to openly oppose the government in the evening? Especially in your prominent position?
We, the colleagues in the theatre ensemble, were very outraged after the events of the morning and had already spoken to each other in the afternoon. We didn't want to take this lying down and then agreed that we would present the resolution in the evening and that I should do it best. It wasn't an easy decision. It could cost me my livelihood, I realised that. But I said I would do it.
I only really realised how dangerous the undertaking was later when I saw my Stasi files. IMs had gathered things together that were enough to kill me. But I didn't realise that at the time. All I knew was that by appearing in public, I risked at least a harsh confrontation with the authorities and perhaps even a professional ban.

Would you say that the theatre was critical?
That was exactly our programme - critical solidarity with the aim of pointing the finger at wounds. We wanted to name grievances, remedy grievances, but not abolish the state. The plays on the programme were selected with this aspect in mind: What can it help society in terms of change? Brecht speaks of the oculisation of the fruit tree. Not chopping it down, but grafting it. And the classics were also interpreted with this aspect in mind. I like to use Schiller's Don Karlos as an example. The Marquis Posa says to the king: "Sire, give me freedom of thought!" This sentence was of course very topical in the GDR. The actor then said it a bit into the auditorium. There was applause or murmuring. These were our outbursts against the disparities in the GDR. That was noticed and honoured and that was also part of the success of the theatre ensemble. In addition to the artistic design, the political statement was always important. People came to us to learn the truth about the GDR and to read between the lines.

And how did things continue for you after 7 October? Did you have to face any consequences?
Firstly, I was happy and proud that we had freed ourselves from this pressure by speaking out. And then I expected something to happen. That someone would be at my door when I got home in the evening. But that didn't happen. Then I looked at what I had at home. I hid the West German literature and put the hundred West German marks I still had in a safe place. I was expecting a house search. But nothing happened. After all, it was a Saturday. And even on Sunday, people only called to thank me. They said: "If something happens to you, we'll stand by you." I felt a lot of solidarity beyond the theatre world. Later, I was in my garden, pruning trees, when the phone rang. I was asked to come to the town hall at 3 pm.
There was the theatre director, the mayor, the city councillor for culture and two or three other people I didn't know. Obviously Stasi people. They asked me why I had done it and I explained. The general dissatisfaction of the people, but also the reason. That the peaceful march we had organised was dispersed by force. And that I could no longer remain silent.
It then went back and forth and was discussed whether I was politically capable of continuing to lead the ensemble. That was a threat. And then I was told by the Lord Mayor that neither I nor any Karl Marx Stadt actor would be allowed to present the resolution from then on.

And then you had to back down?
Word had got around in the theatre that I had been summoned. So we thought together about what we should do now. And then I experienced a wonderful act of solidarity: I was sent to my office and my colleagues would sort it out on their own. The Dresdeners had performed again. And then my actors agreed with them that an actor from Dresden would present the resolution. We weren't forbidden to do that by the directive. The person who presented it was the party secretary of the Dresden State Theatre's drama group. That has to be said. Some of the comrades were also there.

It's now 25 years since the events of autumn '89. How has what happened there changed you?
I haven't changed as a person. I stand by my opinion. Although, of course, as you get older, you realise how complicated the world is and that there are always two sides to a coin.

Before your engagement in Karl-Marx-Stadt, you were already active in Görlitz and Berlin. After you ended your career in the 95/96 season, you remained loyal to the city. Why?
It wasn't planned. Five years was the plan when I came here. That's also the norm in the theatre. The change has advantages, because of course you also see other environments. But when the first five years were over, the theatre burned down. I couldn't and didn't want to leave. We wanted to stay together as a company and survive the time, even though I had other offers. It was a conscious decision to stay until the theatre was rebuilt. That was in '80, when we first had to find our feet again and then the big political dimensions came relatively quickly. Then came Gorbachev and it was particularly good here that we had a climate in which we could speak out more than elsewhere in the GDR. Then suddenly it was '89/'90 and another new situation and then I had to prove that the ensemble in the Federal Republic was still capable and that we could survive under new conditions.

Do you feel at home in Chemnitz?
Yes, I have now arrived. The difficult change was in '90, the new political circumstances. That was a big change for every GDR citizen.

And how has the city changed in 25 years?
You could say the city was a grey misery. In Karl-Marx-Stadt there was only the theatre and the surroundings with the forest and the Ore Mountains for me. With the opportunity to change the city and redesign its architecture after '90, I felt a closer connection to the city. Before that, I felt connected to the theatre in the city. This socialist city with prefabricated buildings - that wasn't my thing.
Now there is a centre. The urban city centre that now exists is a great asset for the city. Even if not everyone sees it that way. I think the city has a lot of new beauties and has rediscovered the old beauties, such as the Kaßberg. Despite all the setbacks and difficulties, I still see a positive development. I would say that. I'm not one of those people who always complain. You should be critical, no question. But overall, the city is doing quite well economically and we have a rich cultural scene. I sense an endeavour to move the city forward, even if it doesn't always succeed.

Has everything turned out as you had hoped?
I was familiar with major West German cities and, from that perspective, the city has developed in that direction. But that doesn't mean that was my dream. My dream of how the city should develop is something I can't really put into concrete terms. I would like to see more preservation of the old substance. But of course I recognise the economic background. But the many industrial wastelands that are still standing around would be worth preserving. However, I am aware that the preservation of a building must go hand in hand with its utilisation. I don't want to deny these difficulties. More urbanity, like in some small German towns, would be nice, but we don't have the substance for that.

What are you doing now?
I am an honorary member of the municipal theatres and a welcome guest at premières. I recently played a small role myself in "Arsenic and Lace". We performed it for three seasons. Now, on 3 October, I'm taking part in a Stefan Heym programme at the Schauspielhaus. I'm involved in the arts and feel good about being noticed and being able to express myself.
I am also a member of the Chemnitz Peace Day working group. We not only award the Chemnitz Peace Prize, but also play a key role in organising the Peace Day and are very involved in issues relating to foreigner friendliness and the asylum seekers' centre. We endeavour to influence the citizens, but also the city administration, to create a harmonious relationship with foreign citizens and migrants. That's part of the work I'm heavily involved in. I see that as the biggest building site. Making sure that society doesn't drift in radical directions. Our art events are geared towards this throughout the year. That's where I see the focus of my voluntary work: promoting a peaceful Chemnitz.

After reunification, you were involved in the Citizens' Association for Chemnitz, among other things. Did your social commitment develop out of the reunification period?
On the one hand, it has something to do with the tradition of having been involved all my life. On the other hand, the development from Karl-Marx-Stadt to Chemnitz was contradictory. The theatre in Karl-Marx-Stadt was well known. Nobody knew us as Schauspiel Chemnitz. It was the same with the athletes and the economy to some extent. After reunification, we simply didn't manage to rid the city of its grubby image. That was a difficult phase. There were quite a few people who were frustrated and resigned. I wanted to counter that.
I realised how Chemnitz was always lagging behind Dresden and Leipzig. That hadn't been the case in the GDR either. They were equal
district capitals. I wanted to fight this image of loss. Chemnitz had to be prevented from being treated unfairly as a Cinderella.

How did you want to achieve this?
I started with the Citizens' Association for Chemnitz to show that Chemnitz is worth living in and loving. With various campaigns, we helped to support the forces in the city that stand for a friendly and culturally rich Chemnitz. Culture has always played a role. And then the issue of welcoming foreigners and working against racism and intolerance came up relatively quickly. That's when it became political. I helped initiate the Chemnitz Peace Prize, which is awarded every year. The Chemnitz Peace Day, which takes place on 5 March and is now called that, didn't used to exist. I was one of the people who co-founded it. That's how we got involved in the city.

Do you have to encourage the people of Chemnitz to stand by your city?
Absolutely! That's a shortcoming of the people of Chemnitz. You can call it modesty, but I think it's a shortcoming that they judge their city below its value. Especially to the outside world. And I know quite a few people who come to Chemnitz for the first time and are amazed at the beautiful corners of the city. They are not always immediately obvious, but they are there. Chemnitz residents can be proud of this city without overlooking the fact that there is a lot to do. But I can't agree with this "there's nothing going on". I can do something every evening. Of course it's not a constant disco everywhere. But I can take advantage of the wide range of cultural and sporting activities on offer in the city. You can interfere and speak up, but complaining is not my thing. That doesn't help either. You can only improve things if you get involved.